The two largest parties — the Golkar Party and the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle
(PDI-P) — plunged into second and third place, gaining only 14.45 percent and 14.03 percent, a decrease of 7.3 percent and 4.5 percent respectively.

Most Islamic parties did not fare any better. The relatively well established parties, including the United Development Party (PPP), the National Awakening Party (PKB), the National Mandate Party (PAN), the Crescent Star Party (PBB) and the Reform Star Party (PBR), suffered comparable electoral defeats. While the first three parties gained less support than they got in the 2004 elections (8.15 percent, 10.57 percent, 6.44 percent respectively), the last two parties failed to even pass the required parliamentary threshold of 2.5 percent.

Apparently, only the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) was able to hold its ground, enabling itself to cope with the crushing electoral machine that is the PD. More than anything else, the militancy of
its cadres became the major factor in securing its 7.88 percent — a tiny, yet psychologically important, increase on the 7.34 percent they secured in 2004. In the meantime, two newly formed parties — the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra) and the People’s Conscience Party (Hanura) — received only 4.46 percent and 3.77 percent respectively.

Given the figures presented above, the PD indeed demonstrated its power in electoral politics, collecting the largest amount of votes and crushing their opponents in the process. This will certainly create a new power configuration in the parliament to be inaugurated in October 2009. A formerly mid-sized party, with 150 seats, the PD will emerge to become the biggest power holder — though their ability to use it is very much questionable given their heavy dependence on Yudhoyono.

But this will not change the fact that our multi-party system continues to hamper the existence of a dominant party that is able to form a government of its own and control the parliament. In other words, the PD alone — like Golkar and the PDI-P in the past — will not survive a challenge of parliamentary maneuvering that may cause a political blockade, vote of no confidence or even a potential move for impeachment. Theoretically, under a presidential system of government, the possibility of these political maneuvers is unknown. But, the absence of one dominant party, and instead the existence of many political parties, which ensures the dispersion of power, makes it as if Indonesia has a parliamentary system of government.

This was how the whole business of political coalitions started. The complexity and delicate nature of political exchanges, communication, and negotiation — exacerbated, again, by the need to apply the practice of parliamentarianism — made post-elections politics fluid and uncertain. In a way, Vice President Jusuf Kalla was the first victim of this incoherent political structure of ours; although one could always argue that the toll was actually the parting away of Yudhoyono and Jusuf Kalla.

Unintended perhaps, but the toll did not certainly stop here. It permeated to many other political parties, who face the danger of rifts that could lead to breakups.

The uneasy exchanges between Yudhoyono and Jusuf Kalla, for instance, caused a rift within Golkar.

The temptation to become Yudho-yono’s running mate or the innate surge to be in power lured many party elites to compete for a possible coalition with the winning party. This had brought about tensions and confusion. The PPP, PKB, PAN, PKS and even the PDI-P, which has stood steadfastly against the SBY-JK government, all suffered a degree of internal flare-ups.

Pragmatism has certainly been the mantra in these recent political developments. Ideology, party basis and platforms, have become words without meaning. Islamic parties, considered the most ideologically minded, have followed the trend. The many calls and appeals by Muslims at large for these parties to form a coalition of their own have been frequently brushed aside without consideration. And yet the scent of power lured all of them to Yudho-yono’s side.

Many of Indonesia’s myriad political parties are on a road to nowhere. Once the winner of the presidential election is declared, the absence of a dominant party and instead the existence of a humongous number of political parties will be the biggest challenge to the meaningful development of democracy and the realization of its primary goals: political stability, security and economic prosperity.

http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2009/05/16/beyond-elections-a-far-greater-challenge-lies-ahead.html